Labeling Treasonous Behavior as "Norm-Breaking" Pushes Language to the Point of Nonsense

The criticism and perspective Mark Landler offers in this New York Times analysis of the Trump-Putin Helsinki conference put on full display the blinders too often encountered in mainstream press coverage of the ongoing Trump-Russia crisis.  On the one hand, props to Landler for zeroing in some of the most outrageous moments of this deeply troubling tete-a-tete: he points out that Trump made clear he trusts Putin over the U.S. intelligence community, and that the president shockingly attacked the Justice Department and FBI from abroad.

But in describing Trump’s behavior as “rule-breaking,” Lander minimizes presidential rhetoric and policy that is more obviously described as “treasonous” or “anti-American.”  To call the idea of siding with a country that attacked your own "breaking a norm" is true only in the most anodyne and misleading sense.  To attack your own branch of government in favor of the statements of a murderous autocrat is so far past a simple description of “rule-breaking” as to be borderline nonsense.

Lander’s unwillingness to state the obvious emerges in what on its surface is a powerful observation — his linkage of Trump’s response to the white supremacist riot in Charlottesville last year and his behavior at the Helsinki summit.  He writes:

In the fiery, disruptive, rules-breaking arc of Mr. Trump’s statecraft, the president’s remarks in Helsinki on Monday marked an entirely new milestone, the foreign policy equivalent of Charlottesville.

Just as Mr. Trump flouted the most deeply held traditions of the American presidency in equating the torch-wielding marchers and the leftist activists who fought them in Virginia last summer, he shredded all conventional notions of how a president should conduct himself abroad. Rather than defend America against those who would threaten it, he attacked his own citizens and institutions while hailing the leader of a hostile power.

As avid readers of The Hot Screen will be quick to point out, this website drew a similar parallel between Charlottesville and Trump’s behavior towards the world last month, in the wake of the catastrophic G-7 meeting.  But the nature of the connection between those events, as between Charlottesville and Trump’s subservience to Vladimir Putin in Helsinki, is not that both times Trump broke norms, but that he has thrown his lot in with enemies of American democracy.  The problem with his reaction to Charlottesville wasn’t equating both sides, but that in doing so he lent legitimacy and, more subtly, presidential approbation, to a side that opposes the actual existence of the United States.  He has now done the same thing with Russia, saying that the U.S. is equally to blame for problems in the U.S.-Russia relationship, and in doing so effectively endorsing a whole host of pernicious behavior by Russia against American interests.

Lander also badly misses the mark by suggesting that the connections between Trump’s behavior around Charlottesville and at the Helsinki summit are predominantly matters of temperament, encapsulated in some vague notion of norm-breaking and acting outside traditional presidential behavior.  Rather, in both cases, the president has chosen to side with anti-democratic, anti-American forces who see violence as a legitimate form of conducting politics.  Moreover, there are deep connections between the Christian-fascist ideology that Vladimir Putin has developed to maintain power, and the ideology of the white supremacists at Charlottesville.  These connections are substantial, meaningful, and deeply disturbing to anyone who views the United States as a country that seeks to transcend divisions of race and religion.  Indeed, you might say that they are the antithesis and the repudiation not only of our country’s highest aspirations, but of the actual common life that hundreds of millions of Americans make together every day.

Washington Post Editorialist Makes Key Point About Ongoing Trump-Russia Collusion

Greg Sargent at The Washington Post has a short piece up today that makes a couple key points about the Russia-Trump relationship that are both important in themselves and hint at a larger development in this overall story.  Sargent argues that no matter whether or not collusion existed between the Trump campaign and Russia, Donald Trump’s behavior at the Helsinki meeting constitutes a de facto rewarding of Vladimir Putin for Russia’s role in helping Trump’s candidacy.  Trump accomplished this both by choosing not to press the matter of Russian interference in the 2016 election in any meaningful way, and by making statements and issuing tweets that absolve the Russians of any blame.

But Sargent also makes a narrower point that may be the fulcrum of the case to be made about Donald Trump’s failure to defend the United States against foreign attack:

He’s also giving a gift to Putin, by signaling that he will continue to do all he can to delegitimize efforts to establish the full truth about Russian interference, which in turn telegraphs that Russia can continue such efforts in the future (which U.S. intelligence officials have warned will happen in the 2018 elections). In a sense, by doing this, Trump is colluding with such efforts right now.

Denying the reality of past Russian interference means that President Trump has made himself complicit with ongoing and future Russian sabotage against the United States.  Sargent hedges the phrasing by saying “in a sense” Trump is colluding with Russia, but whatever term one chooses to use, the underlying reality is that Donald Trump is enabling the actions of a hostile power against the United States in the present day [UPDATE: Sargent has a follow-up tweet that removes any doubt that he's calling out Trump's behavior as collusion].  According to the president’s own director of national intelligence, Dan Coats, the scope of Russian sabotage goes well past election interference to clear evidence that it’s currently attacking U.S. digital infrastructure.  

Finally — as you look at Sargent’s narrower point about collusion and his larger point that the Helsinki meeting constituted payback for Russia’s assistance with Trump’s election, we can make a broader observation that’s been increasingly reflected in coverage of the Trump-Russia story: that no matter what the full story of the connections between Trump and Russia may turn out to be, we are at a point where Trump’s behavior, both toward Russia and toward allegations of Russian attacks on the United States, simply cannot be explained as reasonable or innocent behavior by a president of the United States.

Trump would deny the existence of any context for his behavior toward Russia beyond the idea that the relationship with the United States is unnecessarily bad, that this is a crisis, and that he alone can resolve it.  Of course, the larger context for the Helsinki meeting is, first, that Russia has acted in ways deeply hostile to the United States and its interests in recent years; and second, that Trump has expended great efforts throughout his presidency, and glaringly in the week prior to the meeting, attacking both NATO and the European Union, the dissolution of both being a primary Russian goal.  In other words, everywhere you look into Trump’s behavior towards long-time U.S. interests, you find rhetoric and actions that make no sense in terms of American power or values, and complete sense in terms of What Would Russia Do?  Simply put, we now have a full year and a half of Trump’s presidential malfeasance in the matter of Russia by which to judge him, and it is looking very damning indeed.

President Trump's Rhetoric at Helsinki Meeting Highlights Deceptive Russia Policy

Any American who is paying attention today and has even a token ability to think critically can see that a frightening and unprecedented turn of the historical screw is upon our country.  Donald Trump is using his public appearances and statements around his meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin to essentially clear the Russians of any wrong-doing in both the 2016 election and in the world at large.  The single most chilling incident may have been his use of a joint appearance with Putin to attack special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation only days after it indicted a dozen Russian military operatives for interference in the 2016 election, calling the probe “a disaster for our country.”  To state this as clearly as possible: Donald Trump has just assailed an American investigation that has uncovered and is responding to a Russian attack on our elections while standing next to the man who almost doubtless ordered that attack.

Less chilling but equally revealing are Donald Trump’s assertions today that the U.S.-Russia relationship “has never been worse,” while claiming to have turned that situation around by his meeting with Putin.  The idea that there are high levels of tension between the two countries, and that the most important thing is to tamp down those tensions, is a key sleight-of-hand that Trump is employing.  First, he has effectively defined this level of tension as the main crisis between the countries, and has put himself forward as the one who can fix it.  Second, having defined the crisis as an abstract matter of “bad relations,” he gives himself enormous room for maneuver in dealing with Russia, since the overriding problem from his perspective is the bad relationship between the countries. 

This approach is found throughout Trump's remarks today.  He said that both the United States and Russia were responsible for the deterioration in relations between them, but also tweeted that the “foolishness” and “stupidity” of prior presidents were to blame as well. 

But all this emphasis on the U.S. and Russia having bad relations in need of remedy is aimed at sweeping under the rug the actual reasons that the Obama administration, and currently congressional Democrats, have taken a hard line against Russia in the first place: Russia not only interfered with the 2016 election, but has engaged in violent, destabilizing behavior that threatens global stability.  These actions include Russian’s invasion of Ukraine and Crimea, assassination of civilians living in the United Kingdom, military involvement in Syria to prop up the murderous Assad regime, and attacks on European elections similar to the interference against the United States.

In stressing an “all sides are to blame” approach, the president is simultaneously delegitimizing the U.S. brief against Russia, and legitimizing the bad behavior by Russia that led the U.S., at least under Obama, to see Russia as a problem.  Trump’s rhetorical approach is like saying that the problem in a marriage is that a couple’s relationship is deteriorating, not the fact that the husband beats the wife.  Donald Trump points to America's bad relationship with Russia as the crisis of the moment, when the true crisis lies in the many dangerous reasons Russia has given us to be fully on guard against that country, and in the unresolved question of why Donald Trump has chosen to subordinate his constitutional duty to protect the United States to the aggrandizement of Vladimir Putin’s power.

Washington Post Exposé Spotlights Exploitative Consumer Installment Lending Companies

The Washington Post published an investigative report last week that highlights troubling continuities between the pre-2008 financial crisis economy and today.  In it, reporter Peter Whoriskey details the activities of Mariner Finance, one of the largest “consumer installment lending” companies in the United States.  Companies like Mariner are in the business of offering extremely high-interest loans — with interest rates as high as 36% — to economically-strapped, credit-compromised individuals.  While this industry presents itself as providing a vital service to people otherwise unable to obtain loans, and so filling a necessary niche in the economy, the article clarifies how such a service is inextricably linked to a predatory and immoral business model.  

In the case of Mariner, we see that the business model is not simply to reap outsize interest from people living at the financial edge, but to drive such people into default on these exorbitant loans.  Ex-employees of the company describe efforts to push further loans on people already unable to pay back the original money, in an obvious effort to get them to default so as to stick them with even more fees.  Adding insult to injury, the fine print of the loan contracts requires defaulting customers to pay the company’s legal expenses; in a telling detail, Mariner defends this practice by stating that it is the lawyers, not Mariner, that make money off this arrangement, as if the fact of the customer being screwed is somehow mitigated by haziness around which corporation is doing the screwing.

The individual stories told here shock the conscience.  A woman in the midst of a medical crisis and a non-native English speaker are among the victims of the hardball tactics of Mariner employees.

The final layer of merde in this shit sandwich of a scam is that the president of the private equity fund that owns Mariner is none other than Timothy Geithner, former treasury secretary under President Obama, who in his former role opposed such predatory lending.  Geithner’s willingness to profit off such behavior in the present offers yet more fuel for the already well-grounded case that the Obama officials in charge of dealing with the financial crisis were ultimately more sympathetic to the needs of big finance than the public at large, the consequences of which we continue to grapple with. 

But it’s when you pull back from the sleazy tactics to contemplate the broader picture that the story of Mariner and its ilk grows even more disturbing.  Consumer installment lending companies engage in bottom-feeding and exploitative behavior, but these companies in turn have become darlings of private equity funds that invest the money of the wealthiest strata of American society; the Post notes that “three of the largest companies in consumer installment lending are owned to a significant extent by private equity funds.”  Stated as plainly as possible: this is a way that the richest people in the United States not only make money off the poorest people in America, but in a way that makes them even poorer.  Pretending to alleviate the ravages of inequality, in reality they seek to profit off of it. This is a blinding instance of class warfare perpetrated by those awash in riches against those barely afloat or already underwater.  As one former Mariner employee remarks, “It’s basically a way of monetizing poor people.”

But along with such stark revelations, the story of Mariner steers us headlong into some of the most powerful questions and mysteries of American life today.  The central one may be how a democratic society can find itself trapped in a spiral of increasing inequality for the great majority of its population, including the increasing immiseration of a large percentage of those people.

The Post story provides some tantalizing leads.  One is Mariner’s justification for its practices: essentially, that the company is providing a loan service to people otherwise not served by the credit industry, and that in doing so they are helping this population.  Put a little more abstractly, Mariner has in effect both discovered and created a market, and asserts that this creation of a market is synonymous with serving a public good.  Yet this apparently virtuous connection between serving a market and serving a public good would have us ignore the reason why these folks can’t get loans through the banking system in the first place: because they have a high risk of not being able to pay back the money back.  The fact that Mariner’s lending practices are so thoroughly exploitative suggests that there is a mismatch between the crisis these people are in and the notion that there’s a market solution to the problem.  If your solution is the same as making people’s problems worse, that’s not a solution; it’s making yourself part of the problem.

The notion that every problem can be solved by a profit-seeking corporation ignores the ethical and political dimensions of millions of Americans being on the edge of destitution.  Essentially, companies like Mariner see their customers not as citizens deserving of compassion and respect, but as marks to be taken advantage of; they substitute the morality of the casino for the morality of a democracy.

That corporations would prefer the cold logic of profit over the humane and ethical standards of democratic fraternity is hardly a shocker, but it seems critical that we fully grasp the degree to which the U.S. has deferred to such thinking on fundamentally moral questions such as how to offer assistance to the poorest segments of American society.  But this arrangement couldn’t survive were it not for a complementary mindset lurking in the American population: that people in dire financial straits deserve what they get.  This judgmental moralism seems like a prime candidate for why the exploitation of the already down-and-out doesn’t provoke widespread outrage.  If you deserve to be poor, then you deserve to be poorer.  In a tortuous maneuver, Americans seem indifferent to the purely economic logic that if there’s money to be made, these people should be exploited, yet endorse the parallel logic that because they’re poor, they deserve to be exploited.  This thought process has the additional advantage of placing those who engage in it outside the realm of the exploited.  I’m not arguing that all of this is a wholly or even partly-conscious line of reasoning for most people, but the idea that what people get is what they deserve feels like a key piece of how we justify to ourselves a situation of extreme inequality.  In such a claustrophobic and self-perpetuating scenario, empathy begins to seem downright revolutionary.

Venezuela Invasion Talk Suggests Confluence of Belligerence and Interest in Boosting President's Domestic Standing

At Vox, Alex Ward is arguing for the importance of the latest reports about President Trump’s repeated inquiries into invading Venezuela last year.  Ward raises two points that I wish I’d highlighted in my post on this subject.  First, even if this catastrophic idea was never implemented, Donald Trump’s public references to the idea — both to Latin American leaders and to the press — provided a massive propaganda coup to Venezuela’s dictator/president, Nicolas Maduro.  The prospect of U.S. intervention in that country is an idea Maduro had used in the past to consolidate support, and he did so again when these reports came out last year.  Second, Trump’s discussion of this idiocy with Latin American leaders surely did harm to America’s relationship to our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere.  Our president may be ignorant of the long and terrible history of American imperialism in Latin America, but the leaders of those countries are surely not.

Ward also importantly puts Trump’s discussions with his advisors about invasion in the context of contemporaneous events.  Significantly, these talks occurred within days of his “fire and fury” comments regarding North Korea and a general atmosphere of increased nuclear tensions.  As Ward puts it, “So, in the middle of all of that, Trump apparently thought, “You know what would be a great idea right now? Launching a military invasion in South America.”  

That his advisors appear to have steered President Trump away from this hideous path must be weighed against the fact that the president had such incompetent and destructive inclinations to begin with.  As a fuller picture has emerged over the extent of his inquiries around a Venezuela invasion, those who feared the darkest possibilities of a Trump presidency regrettably find their fears confirmed.  And like I noted yesterday, it is little comfort that the invasions that the president referenced in his discussions with staff — Grenada and Panama — were themselves politically-motivated stunts meant to boost the domestic standing of Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, respectively.  His Venezuela musings should only increase our concern that as his presidency continues to flounder, Donald Trump will not hesitate to look abroad for ways to distract and rally the public under the banner of military action.

Donald Trump’s Fixation on Invading Venezuela Betrays “America First” Promises to His Supporters

Aspects of this story were reported last year, but a new Associated Press piece reveals more starkly President’s Trump’s interest in invading the sovereign nation of Venezuela in response to its turmoil under President Nicolas Maduro.  It turns out that Trump directly asked advisors why the United States couldn’t invade the South American country; his advisors, to their credit, tried to re-direct him:  

In an exchange that lasted around five minutes, [national security advisor H.R.] McMaster and others took turns explaining to Trump how military action could backfire and risk losing hard-won support among Latin American governments to punish President Nicolas Maduro for taking Venezuela down the path of dictatorship, according to the official.  The official spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the discussions.

But Trump pushed back. Although he gave no indication he was about to order up military plans, he pointed to what he considered past cases of successful gunboat diplomacy in the region, according to the official, like the invasions of Panama and Grenada in the 1980s.

It’s telling that the two previous U.S. military interventions in Latin American countries that Trump referenced were from the recent-ish past, as this scarily shows the limits of his basic historical knowledge.  It’s also notable that he harkened back to the precedents set by fellow Republican presidents whose actions, in retrospect, had far more to do with boosting their approval ratings than protecting national security.

But even if Trump is shockingly unaware of the longer, shameful U.S. history of intervention in Latin American affairs that predates those two invasions, his remarks put him squarely in this discredited tradition of seeing Latin America sovereignty as subordinate to the whims of American power — a tradition that ranges from a U.S.-backed coup in Chile to the abetting of genocide in Guatemala, crimes that only appear more sordid and unforgivable with the passage of time.

Apart from inevitably setting back relations with our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere —some of whose leaders learned of Trump’s thinking when he told them himself — and putting aside questions of morality, Trump’s reckless consideration of invading Venezuela reveals a disturbing ignorance as to the limits and costs of war.  For any American politician to have witnessed the debacles of Iraq and Afghanistan over the past decade and a half, only to consider invasion a tool of U.S. foreign policy, should immediately raise questions as to his or her basic fitness for office.

Of course, since we’re talking about Donald Trump, the supply of such questions has begun to approach the infinite — so why, you might ask, is this latest revelation worth a second glance?

Well, for anyone opposed to the presidency of Donald Trump and the return of progressive, pro-democracy governance in the United States, any revelations of Donald Trump’s belligerence in matters of war and peace are important because they undercut the “America First” message that was key to his electoral appeal.  During the 2016 campaign, it was startling to hear Donald Trump repudiate the Iraq invasion as a massive waste of money that would have been better spent at home — partly because he had previously supported the war, but mostly because this critique had seemed off-limits to any major Republican presidential candidate.  Equally startling, his line of attack seems to have found a receptive audience in his voting base.

Rather than just one more scandalous incident among many, Trump’s repeated interest in military intervention in Venezuela gives the lie to his “America First” rhetoric.  His inquiries to his advisors on this matter give the impression of an ignoramus who has just been given the world’s biggest hammer (in the form of the U.S. military) and is disposed to see every challenge he faces as a nail; it is as if he bears no relationship to the man on the campaign trail who decried our wasteful wars in the Middle East.  It is, in a nutshell, awfully nutty.

One of the most important things opponents of Trump can be doing is peeling off members of his base into neutrality or opposition to the president, highlighting the fact that he’s saying one thing to supporters in public and another thing to advisors in private — this is just politics 101.  Trump interrogating his team about invasion isn’t just Trump being Trump; it’s Trump being someone quite different than what he’d have his base believe.  We’re not talking one-day missile strikes against Syria that make everyone feel like America is powerful; we’re talking about the president considering actions that would result in the loss of American life for no reason but the man's ignorance. 

It’s significant, then, that in the midst of the Associated Press piece, the reporter observes of Trump’s invasion fixation that, “[C]ritics say it also underscores how his “America First” foreign policy at times can seem outright reckless, providing ammunition to America’s adversaries.”  It’s telling that no actual critics are quoted to this effect; while critics may indeed say that Trump's “America First” foreign policy is reckless, what’s remarkable about these Venezuela revelations is that they fall outside our previous understanding of his “America First” policy. 

Thus far, when applied to foreign affairs, “America First” has primarily had an economic meaning, such as imposing tariffs on allies in order to correct alleged trade abuses.  In a non-economic arena, such as the effort to check North Korea’s nuclear program, there is at least some relation to U.S. security; for example, in the rational fear that North Korean nuclear weapons might be targeted against the United States.  No such “America First” connection exists in the case of Venezuela; to use that term means to make it indistinguishable from the worst strains of traditional American interventionist policy.  Trying to fit these latest revelations in a familiar box, the author inadvertently ends up highlighting the degree to which Trump has departed from his public emphasis on prioritizing U.S. interests at home.  

It’s clear that making a big deal out of this Venezuela news alone won’t be enough to change perceptions of the Trump presidency.  But this information, contradicting Trump’s claims to prioritize the economy and to shun foreign entanglements, seems like a wedge worth considering to help peel away those of Trump’s supporters who already have their doubts.  It’s also an opening for progressives to articulate a foreign policy that takes militarism off the table as an acceptable tool, while using an unpopular and ignorant president as their foil.  

Uphill Supreme Court Battle Will Require Progressives to Keep an Eye on the Long Game

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Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell broke precedent in a dangerous and destabilizing way when he denied a hearing to President Obama’s nomination of Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court in 2016; Democrats cannot now do an about-face and say they embrace his flawed reasoning without effectively endorsing McConnell's democracy-corroding gambit.  That said, McConnell did open the door to the idea that some extreme circumstances might require legitimate opposition to the president’s ability to appoint a Supreme Court justice.  As is argued in this editorial by Paul Schiff Berman and elsewhere, a strong case can be made that Donald Trump should not be allowed to appoint a new justice until Robert Mueller’s special counsel investigation is over.  The reasoning?  That the president is effectively in a position to choose someone who will very likely be weighing in on a case against him personally.  As Berman puts it, "It is no exaggeration to say that never before has the selection of a Supreme Court nominee been so thoroughly compromised by the president’s profound personal interest in appointing a judge he can count on to protect him."

Others have argued that, given Donald Trump’s repeated behavior with other officials, there is a decent likelihood that he will attempt to extract some form of loyalty pledge from his nominee — an idea unthinkable before this presidency, but one that is now well within the realm of possibility.  Regardless, the stakes for the fate of the United States couldn’t be higher.  Obviously, a Supreme Court that, however narrowly, decides that the president can pardon himself of any crimes he might commit would be licensing a tyranny that effectively ends the American constitutional and democratic order.  Disturbingly, we saw plenty of examples over the past few weeks of the right-leaning Supreme Court ruling in ways that offer political assistance to the GOP, from supporting the president’s Muslim ban to upholding racially-motivated gerrymandering.  The first ruling essentially chose an expansive view of presidential power over the primacy of America’s religious first principles; the second turned a blind eye to the anti-democratic and racist motivations of rigged districts.

The reasons the opposition chooses to highlight for its opposition to Donald Trump’s Supreme Court choice are critical, not because they will heighten the chances of victory — which seems an extremely remote possibility, given the Democrats’ minority position and the failure of any Republican senators to consistently stand up to this president — but because of the way they contribute to constructing a larger critique of Donald Trump that will help persuade Americans to reject his party in 2018 and the president himself in 2020.  Democrats and others would do well to oppose the nominee on grounds that go to the heart of why they oppose Donald Trump and the ever-further-right GOP.  The idea that the nominee could not be trusted to rule fairly on cases involving the man who appoints him or her is a close cousin to the idea that the Supreme Court should not be a friend to the powerful business interests who give untold amounts of money to the election campaigns of the Senators entrusted to confirm the new justice.  And so opposition to this pick will also be a valuable opportunity to argue about what type of Supreme Court justice Democrats would support, as a way of highlighting the stark divide between far-right justices who place the power of business and government power above all else, and justices who understand the straitened circumstances of so many Americans and are sympathetic to righting the massive imbalances of power and wealth in our country, not driving them even further into feudal and profoundly undemocratic territories.

The bitterness and danger of this moment can’t be overstated.  The GOP, having stolen a Supreme Court seat in the last year of the Obama presidency, now gets to confirm a second appointment in less than two years, based on a choice made by a president whose legitimacy remains an open question, and whose ultimate loyalties are not to the Constitution, or a democratic America, but to the aggrandizement of numero uno.  But the peril of our moment means that careful strategizing and a view to the long game of essentially re-booting democracy in America must always be in the forefront of our thinking.  I’ve called repeatedly for a cold ruthlessness in defending our country from the authoritarian tide, and that mindset is appropriate here.  There are good arguments being made that if Democrats do manage to delay this nomination until after the mid-terms, it will only serve to rile up conservative voters to turn out and vote in order to assure that Trump’s nominee is eventually confirmed.

An increasingly conservative Supreme Court is a disaster, even a nightmare, for our country, but we also must bear in mind that there are limits to its power.  Ultimately, a Supreme Court that rules repeatedly in ways that fly in the face of societal and political consensus risks its legitimacy.  Let’s worry more about what we can control — building a majority to take back Congress and take back the presidency.  We should have a little faith that we’re on the right side of history and that we can build a movement that will eventually bend even a recalcitrant Supreme Court in the direction of democracy. 

ICE, ICE, Baby Torture

During his year and a half in office, Donald Trump has successfully managed not to improve the lives of millions of Americans in any meaningful way.  His substantial domestic achievements — and there have been achievements, just not good ones — have all tended in a single direction: towards the aggrandizement of the already-rich and powerful, at the expense of those who work for a living.  From regulation rollbacks at the EPA that will cause death and disease due to more poisons in our air and water, to a tax bill that throws crumbs to ordinary Americans but hearty loaves to gazillionaires, to the rollback of financial regulations that will allow big banks to make still more money at the price of endangering our collective economy, he’s overseen a plutocratic agenda that views government as the servant of the 1%.   

This is why, apart from his own personal enthusiasms, President Trump’s willingness to press forward with divisive, inhumane, and fundamentally racist immigration policies appears only to have strengthened despite weeks of mounting resistance and deeply critical and damning press coverage.  Any fair-minded reading of the facts shows that there is no actual immigration crisis at the southern border.  I’ve been following the story closely, and even I was shocked to see how much less current immigration is compared to the last few decades.  Throw in the fact that many of these people are primarily here to seek asylum from violence and other reasons, and you begin to get a sense of how artificial this purported emergency really is.

What on its surface seems like this week's defeat — with the president copping to his own lie that he couldn’t do anything to remedy the child separation policy, yet then ending it with the stroke of a pen — may well be one further ratchet up the spiral of this crisis of his own making.  There is no clear strategy to rectify the family separations that have already occurred, and plans are being laid for further mass warehousing of children through the summer.  If getting tough on immigrants excites his base, and he has no other ideas, what on earth is to stop the president from continuing such practices in more and more extreme fashion?

But getting tough on immigrants is ultimately a proxy fight for promulgating a white supremacist vision that Trump, and much of the GOP, sees as both a central political identity and method of retaining political power.  The appeal of this vision is fueled by demographic change in America, with our country well on its way to whites no longer being a majority.  Whether white Americans fully admit it or not, being the majority group has provided all sorts of benefits, and there is fear of losing economic and social status.  For too many, the solution is to put down non-whites and embrace the darkest strains of America’s divided past.

But white fears around demographic change are intentionally being amplified by politicians who see playing up racial division as essential to distracting voters from the basic truth I noted at the start — that Trump and the GOP really have nothing to offer the ordinary voter who earns less than six figures a year.  And so distraction of the lowest and most hateful kind has become the order of the day.  The basic underlying message to white voters is minimalist and tribal: we will do nothing for you, except ensure that you are at least kept above all other groups in our country.  (In accepting this bargain, white Americans ironically embody the contradictory accusations of laziness and cunning leveled at groups like Mexicans and African-Americans — rather than fight such condescending and self-serving politicians and economic interests, they sit back and blame other people for their troubles, while claiming to be the only group in American society deserving of the full benefits of government power; rather than doing the hard and empathetic work of fighting for justice for all, they place their faith in and delegate their democratic responsibilities to a single authoritarian leader.)

The war on immigrants may have started as a symbolic fight in the larger struggle to keep America white and Americans distracted from their real, collective challenges, but in the past months it has become more akin to an actual war over America’s meaning and soul.  When children are tortured — for what else are we to call the infliction of unbearable psychological pain and long-term damage on kids in the name of political advantage? — then we are well past the point where the debate is in any way abstract or without the deepest consequence.  It is no surprise that Donald Trump swiftly followed his purported retreat on child separations with a doubling-down on the idea that immigrants are murderers and otherwise evil people, arguing that the separations of children from parents at the border are nothing compared to the “permanent separation” that occurs when an immigrant kills an American citizen.  Such defamation is racism in its purest form; delivered by a president who has exhibited no qualms about abusing children for political purposes, there is no looking away from this evil.

The cruelty of the situation is compounded by the basic truth that Latin American immigrants, including undocumented immigrants, have contributed far more to this country than they’ve received.  Look no further than the thousands upon thousands of American business owners, from grape growers to slaughterhouse operators, who have been more than happy to overwork and underpay undocumented workers in order to increase their profits.  (As a fun exercise, ask yourself how vocal these employers have been in defending people they know to be hard and reliable workers against the aspersions of the Trump administration).  It has not been a just system by any stretch of the imagination — no arrangement that requires people to live in the shadows without full political rights can ever be viewed as just — but the assertion that such immigrants have been a net harm to the United States is a position that the behavior of thousands of Republican-voting business owners easily refutes.  You would not be wrong to say that one of the central tensions of Republicanism over the past few decades has been between whether it is better to fuck over immigrants by expelling them or to fuck them over by exploiting them.

The national backlash to Trump's child separation policy shows that a large majority of Americans retains a strong moral compass on issues of right and wrong.  But the president's apparent decision to stoke anti-immigrant sentiment as the primary way to fight the 2018 midterms means that he is effectively choosing the terrain on which those elections will be held, terrain which he views as favorable to himself.  In one sense, he’s correct, in that stoking hatred against Latin Americans has widespread approval among core Republican voters.  One possibility is that, as I fear and suspect, he will double down on his child separation and detention policies, so that by the time of the midterms we witness tens of thousands of Latino immigrants being held in inhumane conditions as a sadistic bid to show he’s tough on immigration and fighting for his base.

The most critical danger in this scenario is the massive human rights abuses this would entail, resulting in mass human suffering.  Politically, the danger is that it would up the stakes for the Democrats, as there would be no avoiding an escalated fight to end such un-American practices.   As I noted last week, Trump is not entirely incorrect in believing that forcing the Democrats’ main issue to be advocacy for non-citizens is not ideal for the opposition.  But even if the president chooses to water down his policies in a bid for more centrist voters, there is no doubt that he intends to maintain the boil of self-imposed crisis at the border.  

If Trump is able to make immigration the central issue of the midterm elections, then anyone who opposes Trump must make it a priority to redefine the meaning of this issue.  The president would define it as a fight over the economic and national security of country, as well as a question of cultural survival for the white majority.  I see no path forward but to make explicit what the president would still prefer to keep slightly hidden about his message.  We need to make the full definition of Trump’s immigration agenda plain in all its nativist, ignorant, sadistic squalor.

To do so, I see a pressing need to find a way forward between two big ideas that are currently in tension for many people.  On the one hand, there is no avoiding a fight on the meaning of immigration to our country.  It is clear to me that we are a nation of immigrants, that this is our country’s strength and origin, and that any attempts to deny this will result in both substantial damage to our nation and empowerment of the white supremacist thinking at the root of current opposition to immigration.  On the other hand, stoking fears of immigration is Donald Trump’s main way to distract Americans from more pressing issues, including the epic bout of plunder and graft occurring in his administration.  It’s essential that Democrats make the case that he wants us to talk about immigration so we don’t talk about all the ways he and the GOP are working to take away health care, not to mention the curious way he seems to have subordinated American foreign policy to Vladimir Putin’s wish list.  More than anything, we need to make the case that stoking racist fears is how he distracts people from a host of substantive issues, many of which are economic, on which he has nothing to offer, and the solutions to which would involve raising up all Americans.  

In other words, we can’t avoid pushing back against Trump's anti-immigrant, racist vision of America; but we also can’t let it suck all the oxygen from a fight from all the other issues on which progressives hold a winning hand, from health care to voting rights, and from environmental protection to securing our electronic borders against future election interference.  There needs to be a strategy to make this into a single, unified fight.

Child Separation Policy Is Logical Endpoint of Trump and Sessions' Stunted Notion of American "Greatness"

Recently, in defending U.S. immigration policy under the Trump administration, Jeff Sessions made an assertion which I strongly suspect he views as a silver bullet to refute any and all criticisms of the restrictive and punitive policies he has taken against immigrants.  He essentially stated that the United States is a political entity that is fully within its rights to patrol its own borders and act in defense of its own sovereignty.  But beneath the anodyne obviousness of his point, with which few would argue, is a welter of subtexts and assumptions that sprout from a benighted and racist view of what type of country the United States is and should be.  Sessions’ long record and current advocacy show that he believes the United States is under threat because the relative number of white people is declining: a racist view which has led inexorably to cruel and inhuman practices against immigrants who, per the logic of racism, are less than human and threaten the racial purity of our country, and so are deserving of whatever draconian practices are enacted against them.

Sessions’ statement also embodies the “Basta!” cry of so many Trump voters who perceive the United States to be under the assault of a combined cultural and economic wave of foreigners stealing American jobs and altering American culture in ways with which they are deeply uncomfortable; who believe that too much more of this means that America will cease to be America.  Sessions' words may be out of a political science textbook, but his more moralistic suggestion that we need to restrict immigration to protect our general way of life runs through his words.

Yet a basic contradiction at the heart of Sessions’ argument points up the smallness of the man and the vision of which he has become the chief legal enforcer.  His argument, at its base, is that the United States should be viewed as indistinguishable from any other country that needs to patrol its borders; we are one nation among many, and just want to assert the rights that all other countries rightly claim.  At the same time, though, he clearly believes that what the United States embodies is precious and well worth defending.  What he seeks to obscure is in fact the reality that the United States is a great country precisely because we are the sum of so many nations and so many immigrants who have come here.  Save for Native Americans, all our ancestors are relatively recent arrivals to these shores (though, obviously, not all arrived here of their own free will).  Sessions says that the United States is nothing if it cannot enforce its borders; but the deeper truth is that if the United States were not a nation of immigrants, then it truly would be nothing.

There’s an even deeper contradiction buried in his words, though.  Sessions would have us believe that the United States is an ordinary country asserting ordinary rights, when in fact the United States is the most powerful country ever to exist on Earth.  Yes Sessions needs us to believe in our ordinariness, even in a sense of our weakness, in order for his argument that we are beset by foreigners to make any sense.  The reality, of course, is that the immigrants at our southern border are vulnerable people from mostly poor countries.  Most are coming here for work, though many for asylum from violence; and if the United States were truly worried that they are stealing American jobs, then we would punish employers that hired undocumented immigrants as a key element of ending this migration.  Needless to say, such is not the policy of this administration.

Instead, the primary concern is not to save jobs worked by undocumented immigrants — most of which are labor-intensive, low-pay positions that citizens themselves don’t want to work — but to scapegoat a vulnerable population as the cause of our country's ills.  So we have the spectacle of a gargantuan border patrol bureaucracy inflicting immoral cruelty on these immigrants, including those who seek asylum by the proper procedures, by removing their children from them.  Again, if the United States were serious about deterrence, we would enforce laws that every employer verify the Social Security numbers of every employee, and so be done with it.  But this is clearly not the point of the anti-immigrant frenzy.  Rather, the point is for an extremely powerful country to flex its muscles against the most vulnerable people imaginable, in an effort to embody the fundamental racism and xenophobia of this administration, and of many of the president’s supporters.

The United States is powerful enough, and has sufficient resources, to treat all immigrants crossing our border with dignity and respect.  To continuously fall back on the assertion that they have committed illegal acts and ergo they are criminals is to intentionally ignore all context for their actions, or even what their actions are.  It is the same mindset that says a starving man who steals a loaf of bread is as much a criminal as a man who heads up a concentration camp; technically true, but morally, an abominable equivalence that should cast suspicion on the motives of the person making such a comparison.

The point of all the ICE raids on long-time but undocumented families living in America, all the way up to the separation of children from their parents at the border, is not to protect American jobs or enforce our sovereignty, but to exert power against the vulnerable in a way that maximizes the political payoff to the president: by acting cruelly, even sadistically, in a play to feed and placate the rage and resentments of the Trump base.

Trump and his advisors see another win in this ugly situation: it forces the Democrats to stand up for non-citizens, and so allows the Republicans to make the argument that Democrats care more about foreigners than Americans.  Think back to the Trump supporter who, criticizing attempts to protect Americans brought here as children by their parents, asserted that many Americans are dreamers, too.  This zero-sum, America-first mindset is clearly viewed as a decisive wedge issue to slander anyone who stands up for human rights or disagrees with the Trumpian assertion that the only true America is a white America.

A couple weeks ago, I argued that Democrats need to be careful not to respond to Trump’s moves on immigration by playing his game, such as by impotently calling on him to change U.S. policy in ways he never would, and by all means to avoid reinforcing the slander that they've abandoned Americans in favor of non-citizens.  Instead, the most important thing is to make sure Americans are made aware of what is being done in our name, and how there is no reasonable connection between such cruelty and keeping American safe and economically healthy.

Yet the last few weeks have illustrated the bind in which Trump’s willingness to act in inhumane ways puts both Democrats and all other decent Americans.  When U.S. policy is to inflict what amounts to torture against young children, then there is no choice but to respond.  I could not be prouder of our Oregon Senator Jeff Merkley visiting a child detention facility and being at the forefront of the fight against these immoral policies, and the ways that he and other Democrats are essentially taking this fight to the streets; these moves seem like a healthy refusal to play by Trump’s rules.  Visiting the facilities behind whose walls this state-sponsored sadism is perpetrated serves to ground our opposition in the tangible reality of what is being done in our collective name.  Donald Trump’s repeated lie that he is simply enacting a Democratic policy turns more cowardly and obscene by the day.  This is a man who lacks the courage of his own cruel convictions, and who embodies the moral obscenity in the hearts of too many of his backers.  We are seeing how pushing back on his overreach puts him on the defensive, and exposes his deceit and bad faith for all to see (even if not all are yet ready to believe it).

There is an opening here large enough to drive a progressive Democratic party through.  The Trumpian nationalist vision, taken to its extreme logic — as it has been with the child separation policy — reveals an idea of the United States not as great or exemplary, but as small and craven, a betrayal of the common humanity and values that makes this country unique and a beacon to the world.  Trump-Republican nationalism says that we are weak, and can only improve ourselves through cruelty and conflict.  We see this not only with immigration, but in the trade wars the president is needlessly starting on flimsy pretexts; in his claims that loyal allies only drag us down; in an economic policy that says that the richest among us are the ones truly deserving of government largesse in the form of massive tax cuts.

Democrats would do well to connect their defense of immigrants to a larger vision of American power and possibility, to a defense of values that benefit all of us, and to refute Trump’s vision of America that turns reality upside-down and paints immigration as a drain, and our economic problems as the fault of malicious foreigners.  In the absence of a decisively progressive vision, the field is left open for Trump’s phony MAGA appeals that in reality abandon America’s greatness for the petty aspirations of our grifter in chief.  And in a broader sense, when we defend our common humanity, we defend people of all nations who are potential allies in a shared democratic project that will protect the world against future Trumps, both in the U.S. and abroad.

The G-7 Meeting Was Charlottesville for America's Relations With the World

So now we're all supposed to hate Canada, too?  Because Canadians invaded us in the War of 1812 and burned down Trump's house?  And Prime Minister Justin Trudeau committed the crime of making President Trump look weak before the summit with Kim Jong-Un?  These could easily be plot points from a 1980's Canadian comedy starring John Candy and Rick Moranis, yet the American public is asked to accept them as just another day in the life of the Trump administration.   

But the president's moronic attempts to demonize our neighbor to the north are only one facet of the wrecking ball he has taken to American allies and alliances at the G-7 meeting this weekend.

However you might feel about trade imbalances and the practices of our economic partners, the idea that the remedy is to blow up trading rules that the United States itself helped put in place, in favor of a destabilized and unpredictable situation that literally risks the health of the world economy, is simply madness.  But this is only part of what's happening, because these economic attacks on our friends are intertwined with deeply unsettling political maneuvers to separate the United States from long-time allies.  And as so many times before during this demented presidency, this political distancing reflects the malign gravitational pull of Russia on Donald Trump, as his criticisms of allies at the G-7 meeting were combined with a demand to admit Russia back to the group.  The reason Russian is no longer welcome to these meetings, of course, is that it annexed Crimea and invaded Ukraine, acts of barbarism and warmongering that the president would now have us believe were actually caused by Barack Obama — a slander against our previous president that is both deeply un-American and deeply stupid.  No one but Vladimir Putin made Russia do such things.

As many have been pointing out, Donald Trump's blows against our alliances, in the face of decades of bipartisan consensus over U.S. foreign policy, are serving Russia's agenda to an unmistakable extent.  The context for understanding the true horror of this is Russia's interference in the 2016 election in favor of Donald Trump.  Over at Talking Points Memo, Josh Marshall made the case Friday that, whether or not we have all the pieces of what arrangements were made or pressures brought to bear on the president, his actions are identical to those of a person who is compromised by Vladimir Putin and acting in the Russian leader's interests, at the expense of the United States.  I strongly encourage everyone to read the piece: it neatly recaps the awful consonance between Russian goals and Trump's behavior, and captures where we are in terms of accepting this baseline reality.

But if Trump's behavior towards Justin Trudeau is out of a 1980's political satire penned by Gary Trudeau, the overwhelming evidence that he's a puppet of the Kremlin is the stuff of Cold War spy fiction, not to mention the ravings of right wingers claiming the same of presidents from Truman to Carter.  So our situation, far from being unimaginable, has already been highly imagined — but still it has the uncanny feel of something beyond the bounds of reality come to actual life.  We are in uncharted waters, but it is imperative that Americans understand that this is in fact our reality, much like we had to accept the reality that the Twin Towers had been knocked down by terrorists in an act that so many of us felt was like something out of a Hollywood action film.

The larger story, of course, is not only that Donald Trump appears to be serving the Kremlin's interests, but is attempting to subvert and destroy our government in order to protect himself from the consequences of his treasonous behavior.  He calls the investigation of collusion between his campaign and the Russians a witch hunt, despite the multiple indictments and guilty pleas secured by Robert Mueller.

I understand the reluctance of many Democrats to highlight the fact of Donald Trump's collusion with and ongoing alignment with Russian interests; they have made an assessment, one backed up by polling data, that Americans want their leaders to focus on issues that affect their daily lives.  In a deeply ironic twist, the fact that the president may be subordinating U.S. interests to Russian ones is considered too big and abstract for Americans to handle.  But the reality, outside of public perception, is that this situation is an existential threat to the United States — both at a purely national security level, and also within the framework that these Democratic politicians claim to be concerned about, on questions of whether the president can be trusted to do the right things for the economy and other domestic issues.   

I can't recall where I read it, but one commentator made the point recently that part of the Democratic reluctance to fully articulate the known extent of Donald Trump's perfidy is that it would then require them to take action, and that they are both uncertain as to what actions to take and as to whether they have the political clout to accomplish anything.  This feels spot on, and goes back to something I discussed in an earlier post — that Democrats are in a bind due to confusing what they need to do as patriotic Americans versus what they need to do to gain political advantage.  It is not that these two things aren't in a necessary and legitimate tension — after all, for nearly all issues, politicians advance the goals of their party by acting in ways that also increase their political power, i.e. campaigning on ideas and legislation that they think enough voters support to vote them into office so that they can then implement these ideas and legislation.

But for Democrats to continue to behave as if this president is not likely under the sway of a foreign power's influence is to risk complicity in his offenses against our nation, and to fail our historical moment with potentially catastrophic consequences.  This is especially true when nearly all GOP congressmen and senators are happy to run interference for this presidency, even if it means participating in the destruction of our democracy.  The clincher for me is that, far from ginning up a fake "witch hunt," as the president would have it, Democrats could easily make the case that they are responding to the daily ways in which Donald Trump himself draws attention to his complicity in a frightening and unacceptable attack on the United States.  It is Donald Trump who inexplicably calls our allies enemies, and our enemies friends; it is Donald Trump who lies, day and night, through Twitter and spoken rant, about not only the facts of Russian collusion with his campaign, but about there having been no Russian interference at all in the election.  It is almost as if, hamstrung by a guilty conscience and a deep impulsiveness, Trump is driven to such self-destructive obsessions.

And to bring it back to Democratic concerns that voters want them to fight for pocketbook issues rather than hard-to-follow national security concerns — the Democrats should make the framing argument that Donald Trump's collusion can be seen on a continuum with a fake populist economic agenda that is actually enriching the wealthy and ignoring Americans who labor for a living.  He has scammed us all to benefit himself and his ilk, a fact evidenced by everything from the soak-the-rich-with-refunds tax bill, to attempts to take health insurance away from ordinary Americans, to inciting a trade war that will hit Americans in the pocketbook.  Any Democrat intimidated by Trump’s faux populist appeals is blind to his fakery, and is not arguing nearly hard enough for the very real reforms required for the U.S. economy and political system.  To relate this to the events of this weekend: Donald Trump's constant attacks on our trading partners, and on immigrants, is how he does an end run around talking in more substantive ways about our economic problems — problems which have far less to do with being taken advantage of by these partners, and far more to do with an economic arrangement in our country that disproportionately rewards the wealthy at the expense of everyone else. 

Revised Puerto Rico Death Toll Should Put an Incompetent Presidency on Public Trial

Even before the New England Journal of Medicine published a study estimating a death toll on Puerto Rico shockingly higher than the official count, the fact that Donald Trump’s mishandling of the response to Hurricane Maria hasn’t been a bigger scandal, with a larger impact on his standing, has been a troubling real-world exhibit in this horror show of a presidency.  This administration’s efforts to downplay the crisis from the get-go — a power grid in tatters, water supplies disrupted, medicine in short supply — even when faced with widespread reporting to the contrary may still be our most terrifying example to date of what happens when a presidency dedicated to propaganda and manipulation of reality meets an actual, undeniable emergency.

There is also a case to be made that media coverage of the disaster did not match the challenge.  The fact that Puerto Rico is not a state also muddied the public’s understanding of the situation, despite pretty effective efforts by politicians, activists, and victims to remind us all that Puerto Ricans are actually American citizens.  (Much more can be said about this — but the idea that some Americans live in political entities that are not states, and so lack the political influence that comes with that status, is a totally undemocratic absurdity — and it is no coincidence that in the case of Puerto Rico, this situation is the toxic aftermath of the Spanish-American War and un-American ambitions of empire.)

You’d have to be willfully blind to think that the president’s animus towards Hispanics, and the fact that Puerto Rico’s political power is so limited, didn’t play a part in the White House’s neglect of the island.  This is horrifying to contemplate: but the ultimate basis of the horror is the same whether or not you accept this particular indictment, since no matter the motivations, many preventable American deaths likely occurred due to incompetence at the highest levels of our government.  The question now is whether our political system will hold the president to account for this.  

The larger backdrop, of course, is a White House beset by scandal and worse, from an EPA administrator who rips off taxpayers and enables climate change denialism, to a president who appears beholden to Russian interests in what is likely the most far-reaching and earth-shattering political scandal in American history.  Throw in his evident antipathy for democracy in America, and it is no longer surprising that any particularly horrid scandal might not find the purchase it deserves in our public discourse.  But the Puerto Rico disaster is singular at this point, in that we are now learning that it involved a massively underreported death toll that brings the president’s incompetence into blinding view, and challenges the conscience and empathy of every American to stick up for our fellow citizens when our government has failed them.  There is nothing conservative in downplaying the deaths of American citizens, and there is nothing liberal in downplaying such a story because it might not have the traction of other lines of attack against the president.  In a way analogous to the Russian meddling and Trump campaign collusion, what happened in Puerto Rico goes to the heart of whether we are a country with a basic sense of patriotism and shared humanity, or merely a collection of tribes and power centers battling it out to sit on some metaphorical Iron Throne.

Hurricane Katrina and the drowning of New Orleans is a clear parallel to the plight of Puerto Rico; in both, racism and incompetence by those trusted to lead resulted directly in an unforgivable loss of life.  But as with Katrina, I trust that Americans will eventually absorb the full tragedy of what transpired in Puerto Rico, and understand that what happened to Americans there could happen to Americans on the mainland as well.  Opponents of this presidency need to remind fellow citizens of President Trump’s repeated displays of incompetence and indifference, from downplaying the number of deaths to claiming credit for saving the island, as when he tweeted, “Nobody could have done what I’ve done for #PuertoRico with so little appreciation. So much work!” — self-puffery based on a mendacious and sociopathic assessment of the reality of the island’s plight.  And we will need campaign ads in 2018 and beyond that show the president tossing paper towels to Puerto Ricans in his personal “let them eat Highly Absorbent Bounty” moment that captures both the insufficiency of the government response and the president's personal responsibility for this failure.   

Democrats Need to Fight Sadism Against Immigrants on Their Terms, Not the President's

In case you missed it, President Trump is now blaming the Democrats for his own policy of inhumane and sadistic separation of immigrant children from their parents, despite the fact that these actions are being done at the direction of the president himself and carried out by the executive branch of government that he controls.  I’m certain that he and his advisors are casting this nonsensical blame to sow confusion among the public, as well as to provide a moral lifeline to those of his supporters troubled by behavior more associated with totalitarian regimes than a healthy democracy.  This way, they can have it all — witnessing the cruel and satisfying spectacle of inflicting emotional pain and suffering on immigrants, while also telling themselves that this cruelty is actually the fault of the Democrats.  

The White House has made it clear since the early days of its anti-immigration moves, including the ban on people from majority-Muslim countries, that a central policy benefit has been forcing Democrats and liberals to take a stand that makes it seem as if they care more about non-Americans than actual citizens.  This is a canny and malicious way to stir up Trump's base, but I question whether the public at large is so easily duped.  However, I do see in these latest outrages the danger of still more distraction from the far greater menace to our country — the overwhelming evidence that the president is beholden to Russian interests, that members of the campaign and likely the president himself have committed what a reasonable person would call treason, and that this presidency is engaged in a level of self-enrichment and corruption potentially unparalleled in our history.  The Trump administration’s vigorous exercise of presidential powers means that the opposition is forever scrambling in reaction to its moves, including on the immigration front.

The most basic adherence to liberal principles means that the sadism at the border must be opposed — defense of the defenseless and of human rights is non-negotiable — but this opposition needs to be fit into a larger movement to counter Trump and the broader authoritarian, racist movement he’s given voice and shape to.  The key dynamic of this present confrontation that we need to keep in mind is that Donald Trump finds himself able to inflict suffering on a population of people in a way that demonstrates his power and fidelity to the principles he campaigned on, while also demonstrating the powerlessness of his opponents.  This powerlessness is only emphasized by Democratic politicians who call on Trump to stop these practices.  For Trump, their impotent cries are the point of this moment; they demonstrate his absolute strength and their utter powerlessness.

The majority of the American people find this treatment of children and parents an affront to basic human, let alone American, values.  Trump is doing it because it pleases him and his base; yet he has now chosen to play the situation like the separation policy is actually the fault of the liberals themselves.  The opposition can throw this back at Trump — not only is he implementing an un-American policy, he doesn’t seem to have the cajones to own up to being responsible for it.  Somewhat counter-intuitively, because it involves an admission of their own limited leverage, Democrats should be emphasizing Trump’s absolute ownership of this issue and of his own sadism, and ask what punishing the most vulnerable people on the continent has to do with making America great again.  In exaggerating the threat posed by women and children, Trump paints a picture of an America that is weak beyond comprehension, ever a Central American family unit away from giving up the ghost and turning into some sort of burrito-Mariachi band hellscape.  The cruelty suggests cowardice, and both the cruelty and cowardice reveal a president, and a party, that would rather attack impoverished immigrants than, say, confront the monopolies and oversized banks that are sucking the life out of our economy.  

The most important step to redressing this nightmare is to beat the GOP in the upcoming elections, and eject Donald Trump from office.  Then we will have the means to pursue justice against Trump and his minions at ICE, who are clearly following orders that no decent American would ever follow.

Economic Malaise Runs Wild as Major Corporations Deny Even a Minimal Responsibility to the Common Good

The United Way has been surveying economic distress in America, and last week issued a report that indicates 43% of U.S. households have incomes that don’t provide enough to cover the basics of existence.  These results provide still more evidence, as if more were needed, of this country's crisis levels of financial insecurity.  Such results should shame and shake us all, and the fact that they don’t speaks to a parallel crisis of denialism and class insularity that cries out for resolution.  They’re also a shocking gauge of the daily indignities and stresses behind more abstract talk of economic inequality, and another window into understanding that the pervasive media and political message that we have the best possible economy in all of human existence is utter bunk.  A healthy economy would bring security to all our citizens; a healthy economy would not perpetuate hardship for nearly half its population.  

The situation is all the more disturbing when you look at the unemployment rate, which has now hit 3.9% — the lowest since 2000.  That so low a rate can co-exist with such deep malaise for nearly half of American households is more unpleasant evidence that employment and economic security have become seriously decoupled.  

There are two basic responses to this situation.  You can react with compassion, outrage, and a sense of fraternity rooted in patriotism and our common humanity that so many of our fellow Americans are getting fucked over.  Or you can look away, feel relief that at least you’re better off than those people you just read about, and blame an enormous chunk of Americans for their own plight.

The CNN article about the United Way study links to a piece about a recent tax battle in Seattle that encapsulates much of the horror of this perceptual divide.  The city passed a tax increase on companies that earn $20 million or more annually — about 3% of all businesses.  The money generated will specifically go to construction of affordable housing and emergency services for the homeless.  Yet CNN describes the tax as “controversial,” apparently because big businesses, including Amazon, don’t want to pay more taxes, and managed to tap into the big conservative lie that taxes will always kill jobs and so are never acceptable.  A case could be made, though, that a more controversial position would be a gargantuan, job-killing company such as Amazon attempting to make the case that it should not pay a small tax to help serve the neediest Americans, including some who have been directly affected by Amazon’s role in increasing the cost of living in Seattle.

Likewise, “controversial” could be applied to Amazon’s implicit threat to Seattle that such a tax might cause Amazon to reconsider continued investments in the city.  We are so used to businesses responding to the exercise of democratic power with bullying and feudal disdain that we miss how immoral and self-serving such behavior is.  Amazon, and the more than a hundred other businesses that joined it in opposition, could have seen the tax as a way for them to be part of the solution to American equality, and to ally themselves with those screwed over by the contemporary economy.  Instead, they argued for more screwing, with extra fucking on the side for good measure.

It is not socialism or some sort of revolution to pay a tiny fraction of your income so that people don’t die on the streets or don’t have to worry so much about paying rent; it is simply a minimal moral obligation to your fellow citizens.  Too many businesses, particularly oligopolies like Amazon, have come to see citizens as marks and dupes, rather than the people who are actually to be served by corporations and the larger economy.   The ability of companies to bully our elective representatives would be finished overnight if Americans got back in touch with their basic sense of dignity, solidarity, and Democratic spirit, and condemned such bullying as outside the bounds of acceptable corporate behavior.

But for the present, the difficulties Seattle had in passing the most minimal and reasonable legislation to address economic insecurity is a window into how we've arrived at a situation where nearly half of American households are in the same leaky economic boat.  Amazon and other corporations have two messages to Americans: If you can afford to spend money, just shut up and shop.  And if you can’t afford to shop, just shut up.

GOP’s Subversion of Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Looks More Short-Sighted by the Day

Don’t get me wrong: the Trump Administration’s efforts to debilitate the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, with the connivance of the Republican Congress, are deeply upsetting for a whole spectrum of reasons.  Coming so soon after the 2008 financial crisis and so early in the existence of the CFPB, they suggest a boldness to the financial sector and its apologists; the GOP seems to be betting on a public amnesia about why such an agency is needed.  This subversion is unsettling as well due to the fact that Democratic supporters of the CFPB are totally shut out from the levers of national power and so unable to do anything directly to stop the damage.   Most disturbing, though, is the prospect of millions of Americans losing a vital line of defense between their efforts to make better lives for themselves and those who would seek to exploit and rip off the citizenry, on fronts ranging from college and payday loans to mortgages and banking fees.  It’s also important to acknowledge the long-term harm being done to the agency, as committed public service agents understandably choose to depart from an agency no longer permitted to perform its mandated work on behalf of the public.  Here's how The New York Times summarizes the rollback:

Since taking over in November, [interim director Mick Mulvaney] has halted all new investigations, frozen hiring, stopped data collection and proposed cutting off public access to a database of consumer complaints.  He dropped most cases against payday lenders — a primary focus of the consumer bureau — and also proposed scrapping a new rule that would have heightened scrutiny of an industry accused of trapping vulnerable customers in a cycle of debt.  And he has tried hard to persuade Congress to take away funding authority for the bureau from the Federal Reserve — so that Congress can cut it.

On top of this, Mulvaney just this past week directed the CFPB to move the student loan division into the consumer information unit, which appears to have the objective of scrapping the bureau’s efforts to actively protect recipients of student loans.  Taken together, these moves are changing the CFPB from a watchdog to an ineffectual role not recognizable in the legislation that created it.  The sabotage — which has been telegraphed unambiguously by the Trump administration — is well underway.

But though the immediate damage to citizens is real and growing, this is not a moment for despair, or clucking over the depravity of Republicans, but rather a time to leverage their ill-advised and anti-consumer moves into a moral truncheon with which to politically bludgeon the GOP in the 2018 elections and beyond.  Their short-lived gains are our long-term opportunity; Mick Mulvaney would be well-advised to refresh his understanding of the term “Pyrrhic victory.”

The overeager effort to hobble the CFPB in itself constitutes an obvious betrayal and subversion of the bureau’s legislated mission to protect American consumers against unethical behavior by financial entities.  Moves to undermine the bureau repudiate the public good in favor of the powerful in ways that most people can easily grasp.  Does the average American really think the problem with our country is that ordinary people have too much power and giant banks have too little?  Republican complaints of the CFPB's allegedly aggressive moves against financial firms are easily fact-checked, and can be weighed against the abuses financial entities have committed against literally thousands upon thousands of Americans.  For whatever mix of hubris and ideological blinders, Mulvaney and his ilk see no need to hide what they’re doing.  They appear think that power lets you do whatever you want, without consequences.  This blindness has left proponents of the CFPB with no shortage of egregious actions to bring to sympathetic public attention.

In a broader sense, one can see how the CFPB is so threatening to the GOP because it’s an unambiguous example of the government serving the public good.  The New York Times notes that the CFPB is “an Obama-era watchdog agency vilified by Republicans since its inception as an example of government overreach.”  Yet the GOP sees “government overreach” in literally any attempt by the American people to use democratic processes to pass laws to serve the public good.  This position has little or nothing in common with a democratic party, and more with one whose sole constituency is corporate interests.  In this sense, attacks on the CFPB may serve a short-term goal of helping the GOP's true constituents, and a strategic goal of undermining a vision of a pro-citizen government, but these efforts are so transparently self-serving that a canny opposition would do well to turn them back against the GOP as more proof of where the party’s true loyalties lie.

Gleeful destruction of an agency explicitly created to help ordinary Americans exposes the GOP’s highest priorities.  Remember — Mick Mulvaney is not really a “longtime critic” of the CFPB, as The New York Times describes him, at least not in the sense of someone who offers a useful critique.  Mulvaney and the GOP are fundamentally, irretrievably opposed to the very existence of the CFPB.  There is no nuance to their favoring the powerful over the vulnerable.  In opposing the CFPB so vigorously, the GOP has hacked away at its ability to occupy any middle ground; instead, it reinforces opponents’ ability to describe them (accurately) as an extremist party.  

The myriad attempts to undermine the CFPB collectively manage to affect millions of Americans across the political spectrum, in ways that, again, may allow the GOP to serve its donors in the short term, but which pose the possibility of real long-term damage to the party's capacity to claim to serve the public interest.  Mulvaney’s efforts to undo student loan protection efforts may be the poster child for this flaw in their master plan.  Deciding to essentially stick it to a voting populace in the formative years of its political identity in a way that leaves no doubt as to which party hates students seems awfully dismissive of the millions of votes this group will be casting, not just in 2018, but in literally elections for the next half century.  Making the case that lenders shouldn’t be able to rip off and exploit people pursuing the American dream of receiving a college degree is easy; defending such practices is foolhardy, bordering on political malpractice — unless, of course, the campaign donations you receive from lenders is more important than protecting the students you’re elected to serve.  But America is the land of freedom, after all, and I suppose members of the GOP are free to make self-defeating and morally indefensible choices all they want.

It’s fair to take a little comfort in viewing the current situation as a successful stress test of the CFPB and its very reason for being.  Over its seven years of existence, we have already seen that the bureau works to serve the public interest.  The concerted effort to undo it provides yet more evidence for why we really need it.  The GOP is in the unenviable position not of stopping a piece of legislation with theoretical dangers, but of trying to make the case, against all evidence, against an agency that has already accomplished the public good it was designed to.  A bureau with this many of the right enemies is obviously doing its job.  It shows what a threat the CFPB is to financial corruption and the desire of powerful interests to exploit Americans for financial gain.

The Times notes that “Mr. Mulvaney’s approach is finding favor with the person who may matter the most: the president.  Mr. Trump, several administration aides said, is delighted at the idea of Ms. Warren watching an institution she spent years building being undermined from within — and eager to see Mr. Mulvaney continue waging a battle to reduce federal regulations through the Office of Management and Budget.”   So Mulvaney’s efforts to hobble the CFPB are tied up with Donald Trump’s personal animus toward Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren, who initially conceived of the such a bureau and was heavily involved with its creation. However, the president’s adherence to a politics of personalities and revenge swaddles him from grasping the full repercussions here - he may think he’s screwing over Elizabeth Warren, but he seems genuinely ignorant of the additional fact that he’s also screwing over the millions of Americans protected by the CFPB - millions and millions of registered voters, to borrow a phrase from the original Ghostbusters.  

So it's a little ironic that Mulvaney himself provides plenty of opportunity for Democrats to personalize the battle over the CFPB.  Apparently pushed to the margins in debates around the federal budget — which his actual full-time job as OMB director would normally focus on — he seems to be using his interim appointment to the CFPB to let out some aggression and go a bit hog wild.  Unfortunately for his cause, his pretensions to be defending big business against rampaging consumers on some sort of intellectual principle has been undermined by his recent declaration that, as a congressman, he only met with lobbyists who had donated money to him.  He has tried to mitigate these remarks by pointing out that he always met with constituents, whether or not they had given him money, but this only seems to reinforce the awful impression of ethical looseness.

Additinally, Mulvaney has lied to Congress about his contacts with payday lenders, falsely telling Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio that his only such contacts were in the ordinary course of business, when in fact such interaction occurred on at least one other occasion.  Given the plethora of scandals embroiling such Trump administration luminaries as Scott “If It Appears to be Unethical, Just Do It!” Pruitt and departed folks like Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price, it’s seems worth inquiring what shenanigans Mulvaney has gotten up to in his efforts to curry favor with financial entities.  Mulvaney may currently be the form of the CFPB’s destruction, but his upside-down logic (banks are oppressed!) and dubious personal history threaten to turn him instead into one more good argument for why we need the CFPB in the first place.